#MeToo, one year on

譯者說2019-02-18 22:11:23


  文 章 導 讀 


不論我們是否願意承認,人類社會最終是從父系社會發展而來的。千百年來,在每一場權力的遊戲中,身強力壯的男性都處於支配地位。然而,近代以來一次次技術革命的結果,是人類的體力勞動逐漸讓位於腦力勞動,是人類社會分工的逐漸細化,是人類文明程度的逐漸提高。女性意識的覺醒,女權主義的流行,這一切都順應了時代發展。不過,要想徹底扭轉千百年來的發展慣性,真正實現男女平等,我們依然任重而道遠。


 雙 語 精 讀 



Sex and power

性別與權力


#MeToo, one year on



A movement sparked by an alleged rapist could be the most powerful force for equality since women’s suffrage


一場由性侵嫌疑犯引發的運動可能會成為自女性贏得選舉權以來,為平等而戰的最強大的一股正能量



Print edition | Leaders Sep 27th 2018


A YEAR ago Harvey Weinstein was exposed as a sexual predator. Until then his treatment of women was an open secret among some of the film industry’s publicists, lawyers and journalists. Mr Weinstein had been protected by an unspoken assumption that in some situations powerful men can set their own rules. Over the past year that assumption has unravelled with welcome speed. In every walk of life powerful men have been forced out, and not just in America. Now Brett Kavanaugh may be denied a seat on America’s highest court following a series of accusations that he committed sexual assaults decades ago as a student. What began on the casting couch has made its way to the Supreme Court bench.


一年前,哈維•溫斯坦 (Harvey Weinstein) 被曝為性侵犯。此前,他對於女性的侵犯在一些電影行業的公關人員、律師和記者間已經是一個公開的祕密。溫斯坦先生當時的保護傘就是一項潛規則,即在一些情形下,有權勢的男人可以自己制定規則。去年,這項潛規則以大快人心的速度自瓦解了。各行各業裡有權勢的男人都被迫辭職,而且這種情況並非美國獨有。如今,由於被指控在幾十年前的學生時代涉嫌性侵事件,佈雷特•卡瓦諾 (Brett Kavanaugh) 可能無法獲得美國最高法院法官的席位。由挑選電影演員的潛規則醜聞發端,這場運動的火焰已經燃燒到了最高法院。


That is progress. And yet the fate of the #MeToo movement still hangs in the balance in America, the country where it began and where it has had the greatest effect. To see why, only look at the case of Mr Kavanaugh—who, as we went to press, was due to give testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee along with Christine Blasey Ford, his main accuser. The good news is that the appetite for change is profound; the bad news is that men’s predation of women risks becoming yet one more battlefield in America’s all-consuming culture wars.


這就是進步。然而,即便#MeToo運動在美國發起,而且在該國反響最大,這項運動在美國的最終命運依然前途未卜。我們只需要看一下卡瓦諾法官的案件就會知道為什麼會這樣。在本文截稿時,卡瓦諾和他的主要指控人克里斯廷•布萊西•福特 (Christine Blasey Ford) 正要向參議院司法委員會提供證詞。好消息是:人們對於改變性侵現狀的渴望異常強烈;然而壞消息是,性侵正成為美國消費至上文化衝突新的組成部分。


Anmer’s kick

Anmer的反擊


Thanks to #MeToo, women’s testimony is at last being taken more seriously. For too long, when a woman spoke out against a man, the suspicion was turned back on her. In 1991 when Anita Hill accused Clarence Thomas, now a Supreme Court judge, of sexual harassment, his defenders smeared her as “a little bit nutty and a little bit slutty”. The machine backing Mr Kavanaugh is equally determined. However, it has refrained from questioning either Ms Blasey Ford’s sanity or her morals. In 2018 voters would find that unacceptable.


最終,由於#MeToo運動,人們開始更加嚴肅地對待女性證詞。長期以來,當女性公開指責男性時,人們猜疑的矛頭總會指回女性。1991年,安妮塔•希爾 (Anita Hill) 指控如今的最高法院法官克拉倫斯•托馬斯 (Clarence Thomas) 涉嫌性騷擾,托馬斯的辯護律師詆譭希爾,說她“有點瘋癲,有點淫蕩”。給卡瓦諾法官撐腰的權力機構在態度上也同樣十分堅決。然而,該組織已經有所收斂,不再質疑布萊西•福特女士是否精神失常或品行不端。2018年的選民們會認為此類事情無法接受。


Abuse by men is being taken more seriously, too. Mr Weinstein allegedly committed dozens of sexual assaults, including rape. The contrast between his brutality and his impunity shook the world out of its complacency. This week Bill Cosby, once America’s highest-paid actor, was jailed for being a sexually violent predator. But women in colleges and workplaces all over America are harmed by abuse that falls short of rape. Thanks to #MeToo, this is more likely to be punished. Most defences of Mr Kavanaugh have focused on his presumed innocence; 30 years ago they would have insisted that the drunken fumblings of a 17-year-old are a fuss about nothing.


男性的性侵行為也越來越受到重視。據稱,溫斯坦涉嫌犯下包括強姦在內的數十起性侵害案件。他野蠻行為卻逍遙法外,這種強烈的對比令世人感到不安。本週,比爾•考斯比 (Bill Cosby)——美國一度片酬最高的男演員,因性侵入獄。然而,全美各大院校和各類工作場所的女性仍在不斷受到性侵行為的傷害,儘管這些行為尚未構成強姦。#MeToo運動的出現,大大增加了對這種行為的懲罰概率。對於卡瓦諾先生的絕大多數辯護都聚焦在無罪推定。他們堅持認為,30年前一個17歲的小青年在醉酒後的情不自禁實在算不了什麼。


These shifts reflect a broad social change. Before the elections of 2016, 920 women sought the advice of EMILY’s List, which promotes the candidacy of pro-choice Democratic women. Since Donald Trump was elected president, it has been contacted by 42,000. Outside politics, companies are keen for their staff and their customers to think that they buy in to #MeToo.


這些轉變反映了廣泛的社會變革。在2016年美國大選之前,920名女性向艾米麗名單(EMILY’s List)尋求過建議,這一組織旨在提高贊成墮胎的民主黨女性候選人勝算機率。而自從唐納德•特朗普當選總統以來,已有42,000名女性聯繫過該組織。政界之外,很多企業熱切希望其員工和客戶認為該企業支持#MeToo運動。


One worry is that there may be a gap between corporate rhetoric and reality. Another is uncertainty about what counts as proof. That is largely because evidence of an instance of abuse often consists of something that happened behind a closed door, sometimes long ago.


令人擔憂的是,現實與企業言論間還是存在差距。而尋找證據過程中的不確定性也令人感到憂慮。究其原因,很大程度上在於性侵案件的證據往往有些不為人所知,有時距今年代久遠。


Striking a balance between accuser and accused is hard. Ms Blasey Ford has the right to be heard, yet so does Mr Kavanaugh. Mr Kavanaugh’s reputation is at stake, but so is the Supreme Court’s. In weighing these competing claims, the burden of proof must be reasonable. Mr Kavanaugh is not facing a trial that could cost him his liberty, but interviewing for a job. The standard of proof should be correspondingly lower. Neither the court nor natural justice is served by haste.


平衡原告與被告兩者間的權益絕非易事。雖然布萊西•福特有權發出自己的聲音,但卡瓦諾也擁有這項權利。卡瓦諾先生的聲譽岌岌可危,最高法院也是如此。在權衡與判斷雙方的陳述之時,必須重視證據是否合理公平。卡瓦諾所面對的這場審判並不會使其失掉自由,卻有可能會使其失掉謀生的飯碗。選取證據的標準應該相應地降低一些。我們不能急急忙忙地訴諸司法程序或自然公道來解決此事。


Also a problem is the grey zone inhabited by men who have not been convicted in court, but are judged guilty by parts of society. Just now, every case is freighted with precedent-setting significance, perhaps because attitudes are in flux. This month Ian Buruma was forced out as editor of the New York Review of Books after publishing an essay by an alleged abuser which failed to acknowledge the harm he had done. Mr Buruma did not deserve to go and, were values more settled, his critics might have been content with an angry letter to the editor. #MeToo needs a path towards atonement or absolution.


此外,有的問題還來自於灰色地帶,藏匿於灰色地帶的男性雖然不會受到法庭的有罪宣判,卻會受到來自部分社會階層的懲罰。現階段,每一個案例都具有先例設定的意義,其原因可能是我們的態度在不斷變化。本月,伊恩•布魯瑪 (Ian Buruma) 被迫辭去了《紐約書評》編輯的職務,原因是他刊登了一篇文章,而該文章的作者涉嫌性侵卻沒有承認他所犯下的罪過。布魯瑪的過失還沒有大到他必須離開;而且如果其價值觀不改變,他的批評者會滿足於給編輯寫一封信來表達憤恨之意。人們需要為#MeToo運動鋪就一條贖罪之路或者叫赦免之路。


And #MeToo has become bound up with partisanship. According to polling earlier this year by Pew, 39% of Republican women think it is a problem that men get away with sexual harassment and assault, compared with 66% of Democratic women; 21% of Republican men think it is a problem that women are not believed, compared with 56% of Democratic men. Mr Kavanaugh, however his nomination turns out, is likely to deepen that divide—if only because Republican zeal to rush his confirmation is further evidence that the party puts power first. That was clear when it backed Mr Trump, despite his boasts of forcing himself on women and allegations of sexual misconduct by at least 19 accusers. Under Bill Clinton, who was also accused of sexual assault, the Democrats were not so very different. They now offer less protection.


而且,#MeToo運動已經變得有了傾向性。根據皮尤研究中心年初的民意測驗數據顯示:39%的共和黨女性認為男性在性騷擾和性侵之後全身而退是一個問題,而民主黨女性的這一比例為66%。21%的共和黨男性支持者認為女性舉報時受到質疑是個問題;而民主黨男性的這一比例為56%。不論卡瓦諾的提名結果如何,以上分歧似乎都會加深。而共和黨人熱衷於儘快將其送上法官之位也進一步證明了該黨把權力放在首位。儘管特朗普聲稱他自己不得不面對至少19位原告對他本人涉嫌性不端行為的指控,但是當共和黨集體擁護這位總統的一幕出現時,我們還是更加確定以上對於權力至上的判斷。同樣被指控性侵犯的比爾克·林頓,民主黨並沒有那麼不同。民主黨只是在現在提供的保護少了一些。


If #MeToo in America becomes a Democrats-only movement, it will be set back. Some men will excuse their behaviour on the ground that it is hysteria whipped up by the left to get at Republicans. Those questions about proof, fairness and rehabilitation will become even harder to resolve.


如果美國的#MeToo運動僅僅成為民主黨的運動,那麼該運動將會受挫。一些人會為其行為尋找到藉口,聲稱他們的行為是受激進的左派煽動,以探查共和黨的信息。而如何獲取確鑿的證據,如何保證司法公正,如何讓弱勢群體恢復正常生活,這些問題的解決將變得愈加困難。


Think ahead

未雨綢繆


It takes a decade or more for patterns of social behaviour to change. #MeToo is just one year old. It is not about sex so much as about power—how power is distributed, and how people are held accountable when power is abused. Inevitably, therefore, #MeToo will morph into discussions about the absence of senior women from companies and gaps in average earnings between male and female workers. One protection against abuse is for junior women to work in an environment that other women help create and sustain.


社會行為模式的轉變需要十年甚至更長時間。而#MeToo運動從發起到現在才僅僅一年時間。與其說這是一場關於性別的運動,不如說這是一場關於權力的運動。這項運動啟示我們應該如何分配權力;也啟示我們當有人濫用權力時如何追究責任。因此,#MeToo運動註定將演化為一場場討論:既會涉及公司女性高管缺勤也會涉及男女僱員平均薪資上的差距。低職位女性如果想遠離性侵、獲得保護,她們需要到一個由其他女性營造和維護的環境中去工作。


Conservatives often lament the role Hollywood plays in undermining morality. With #MeToo, Tinseltown has inadvertently fostered a movement for equality. It could turn out to be the most powerful force for a fairer settlement between men and women since women’s suffrage.


保守派經常哀嘆好萊塢在破壞道德方面推波助瀾。然而由於#MeToo運動的興起,浮華城( Tinseltown好萊塢的貶稱)無意中促成了平等運動。從婦女贏得選舉權以來,它可能成為男女之間更公平解決的最強大力量。


譯者注



1、哈維•溫斯坦 (Harvey Weinstein):1952年生人,美國著名電影製片人,曾監製《低俗小說》、《性、謊言、錄像帶》等多部經典影片。2017年10月因被指控性騷擾和性侵犯被公司的董事會解僱。據統計遭其性侵的受害者超過40人。

2、佈雷特•卡瓦諾 (Brett Kavanaugh):1965年生人,畢業於耶魯大學,美國律師,華盛頓特區上訴法院法官。2018年7月9日被美國總統特朗普在提名為大法官候選人。卡瓦諾堅決否認性侵指控,稱這些說法是民主黨、克林頓夫婦和左翼團體因2016年敗選而進行的“政治報復”。

3、克里斯廷•布萊西•福特 (Christine Blasey Ford):帕洛阿爾託大學的美國心理學教授,斯坦福大學醫學院的研究心理學家。其專門為研究項目設計統計模型,曾在斯坦福大學醫學院合作臨床心理學項目擔任教授。

4、安妮塔•希爾 (Anita Hill) :美國律師和學者,布蘭代斯大學社會政策、法律和女性研究的大學教授,1991年任美國教育部和平等就業機會委員會的主管。

5、克拉倫斯•托馬斯 (Clarence Thomas):1948年生人,美國法學家。自1991年以來擔任美國最高法院大法官,他是美國最高法院為數不多的非裔美國人大法官,屬於美國最高法院大法官的保守派。

6、比爾•考斯比 (Bill Cosby):1937年生人,美國黑人諧星,演員,作家,電視製作人,教育家,音樂家和社會活動家,積極參加黑人社團的活動。對其最早的性侵指控可追溯至數十年前,但指控至2014年才廣為人知。60多名女性指控他強姦、迷姦、兒童性虐待和性行為不當。

7、EMILY’s List:一個美國政治行動委員會,旨在幫助選出支持民選的女性候選人。於1985年創立。根據華盛頓審查員的說法,EMILY的名單是“全美最有影響力的支持選擇的政治行動委員會”。

8、伊恩•布魯瑪 (Ian Buruma) :1951年生人,英荷血統的荷蘭作家,編輯和歷史學家。通曉英、中、日等若干國語言。2017年5月被任命為《紐約書評》主編。

9、《紐約書評》New York Review of Books:一本在美國紐約市發行的半月刊,內容涉及文學、文化以及時事。該雜誌認為:對重要書籍的討論本身就是不可或缺的文學活動。

10、皮尤研究中心Pew:美國的一個無傾向性的獨立性民調機構和智庫機構;建立於2004年,總部設於華盛頓特區。該中心對那些影響美國乃至世界的問題、態度與潮流提供信息資料。

11、Tinseltown:好萊塢的貶稱。


 文 章 結 構 

全文共12段,分四部分。

第一部為前兩段。作者在這部分指出:儘管#MeToo運動由發端起的一年時間裡席捲了美國的各行各業,然而該運動前景尚不明朗。

第二部為第3~5段。作者在這部分肯定了#MeToo運動給社會帶來的變化:在法庭上,女性的證詞受到了較公正的對待,男性較從前更有可能因性侵而受到嚴肅審判;在政界,女性更多參與選舉;在商界,企業渴望因支持#MeToo運動而被認可。

第三部分為第6~10段。作者在這部分擺出自己對#MeToo運動現狀的擔憂,包括部分組織是否存在作秀嫌疑,證據衡量標準是否公平,運動針對範圍是否擴大化,運動是否已經具有政治傾向性甚至被政黨利用等。

第四部分為最後兩段。作者在這部分預言#MeToo運動的未來:該運動將進一步演化為一場關於如何分配和使用權力的討論,將繼續推動人類性別平等的發展進程。


譯者:剛子

校對:喜悅



https://weiwenku.net/d/109957408